SOCIALISM with Chinese characteristics is now flying high and proud for all to see, remarked Chinese President and Communist Party of China general secretary, Jinping Xi during the just-ended party national congress held at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.
The 2,280 delegates at the 19th CPC national congress that convoked between October 18 and 24 gave President Xi another five years at the helm of the 90 million-member socialist-inclined CPC.
During the congress, a new guiding ideology referred to as Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was enshrined into the party constitution. It is the first time since Mao Zedong Thought that a living party leader enshrined an ideology named after him into the CPC constitution.
As expected, the decision by the 19th CPC Congress to stress, through amendments to the party constitution, the need to strengthen socialism with Chinese characteristics, party-building, socialist rule of law and to attain the economic goals agreed upon from previous party congresses, has elicited an interesting but capitalist media jaundiced narrative from the world’s bourgeois news agencies.
The most prominent capitalist media interpretation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, for example, is to hastily label President Xi as ‘China’s strongman’, a term they reserve for leaders of those nations that are hell-bent on building the socialist ideology as a counter to the global effects of the capitalist order and hegemony. On the composition of the new Chinese leadership, the interpretation of the strangulating corporate media is that there is no heir apparent to President Xi. This is an over-simplification of the people’s resolve.
A stark comparison has already been made between President Xi and Chairman Mao, but should that come as a surprise given the fact that socialism is a progressive ideology that is based on historical and materialistic interpretation of the problems that face humankind at a particular stage in the development process?
Aptly explaining his Thought, President Xi heralds it as, “…a new trail for other developing countries to achieve modernization. It offers a new option for other countries and nations who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence; and it offers Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind.”
Indeed, a far-reaching campaign against corruption started in China immediately after the wrapping up of the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and as of last year, 120 high-ranking officials from military officers, senior executives from state-owned enterprises as well as national leaders have been netted in this anti-graft campaign under President Xi, which has seen over 100,000 people indicted for corruption.
The 19th National Congress of the People elected the Central Commission for Discipline and Inspection, the emblematic CPC body through which this anti-corruption drive is being carried out. President Xi has declared war on corruption in a manner that is in more ways unprecedented. Therefore, the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics like the Mao Zedong Thought is about ensuring that revolutionary war is declared on those public leaders that would want to reverse the mass fortunes of the working class state such as China by engaging in individualistic tendencies like corruption.
In other words, the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics is a model for all those involved in the working class struggles against global capitalism, which is replete with individualistic tendencies and corruption involving the propertied class and the political elite. The Xi Thought is another significant strategy in the revolutionary war against corruption, similar to the Mao Zedong Thought onrevolutionary war.
In a December 1936 document titled, Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War, and with a sub-topic entitled How to Study War, Socialist China’s founding leader Mao Zedong states that the laws of revolutionary war are developmental and that they are a problem which anyone directing a war must study and solve.
“We are now engaged in a war; our war is a revolutionary war; and our revolutionary war is being waged in this semi-colonial and semi-feudal country of China. Therefore, we must study not only the laws of war in general, but the specific laws of revolutionary war, and even more specific laws of revolutionary war in China. It is well known that when you do anything, unless you understand its actual circumstances, its nature and its relations to other things, you will not know the laws governing it, or know how to do it, or be able to do it well,” Chairman Mao states.
According to Chairman Mao, war is the highest form of struggle for resolving contradictions, when they have developed to a certain stage, between classes, nations, states, or political groups.
“…and it has existed ever since the emergence of private property and of classes. Unless you understand the actual circumstances of war, its nature and its relations to other things, you will not know the laws of war, or know how to direct war, or be able to win victory,” he states in part. “China’s revolutionary war, whether civil war or national war, is waged in the specific environment of China and so has its own specific circumstances and nature distinguishing it both from war in general and from revolutionary war in general. Therefore, besides the laws of war in general and of revolutionary war in general, it has specific laws of its own.”
That being the case, the socialist-inspired economic gains that have been made in China since the Red Revolution can only be secured if the Xi Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics adopts the CPC’s emblematic war against corruption as a working class revolutionary tactic towards the subjugation of global corruption-riddled capitalism. Not even the ultimate attainment of communism should stop this ideological Thought process.